The HAU App

Continuing in the spirit of free gifts, we are delighted to inform you that the first version of the HAU app is available for free download. Now users can read all of our journal articles and books on their mobile devices and tablets with ease. The app will be updated regularly and we are looking for readers’ feedback before issuing Version 1.1.2 in the coming months. If you have any suggestions for improvement, please write

Download the iOS version:
Download the Android version:

HAU App Screenshot

«Kontsumoaren ideologiari jarraiki, merkatua asko sexualizatu da»

Haur-ipuinen bitartez hezkidetza lantzeko ikastaroa eskainiko du Miren Guillo antropologo eta pedagogoak.

Tolosako Jabetze eskolaren baitan, Ipuinen bidez hezkidetza lantzen ikastaroa eskainiko du Miren Guillok (Elgoibar, 31 urte), astelehenean hasita. Literatura erdigunean jarriz, gizarte justuago baten aldeko istorio eta pertsonaiak izango dituzte esku artean, eta rol tradizionalagoak jorratzen dituzten lanak ere aztertuko dituzte. Emakumeen jabetzea sustatze bidean, Autoestimua, emozioak eta jabetzea ikastaroa ere astelehenean bertan hasiko dela aipatzekoa da; astero elkartuko dira, ekainera bitarte, bizipenez hausnartzeko, eta badira leku libreak.
Literatura eta hezkidetza uztartuko dituzuenez, hasteko, azaldu zer den, zehazki, hezkidetza.
Hezkidetza proposamen bat da, hezkuntzak gaitasun eta trebetasun guztiak garatzeko aukera denoi eman diezagun; aukera berdintasuna oinarri duen proposamena da, finean.
Hori oinarri hartuta, zer jorratuko duzue saioetan?
Saioetan ipuinen mundu ederrean barneratuko gara. Liburuak genero ikuspegitik aztertzen hasiko gara, azken finean, liburuek mundua nolakoa den erakusten baitigute, kontakizun nahiz ilustrazioen bitartez: nola izan neska, nola izan mutil, nola izan lagun, nola maitatu,… Horixe aztertuko dugu liburuetan, izan ere, batzuetan, balore zehatz batzuk oso agerikoak izaten dira, baina beste askotan ez. Horrekin batera, batez ere, bestelako proposamenak ezagutu eta aztertuko ditugu tailerrean: generoaren aldetik aproposak eta interesgarriak diren ipuinak.

Nonhuman Cultures

You know, they have it too. Not all species, certainly, but there are enough instances of nonhuman cultures to begin shifting how we think about this key concept.

In the decades since the idea of nonhuman cultures was broached, the notion has taken hold through recognitions that they also learn and transmit social knowledge. As Andrew Whiten and Kevin Laland et al explain, the presence of social learning as well as “traditions and other culturally related phenomena” among nonhumans has “proved to be far more widespread across the animal kingdom than imagined a half-century ago and more complex in their manifestations” (2011: 938). That’s partly because the list of such creatures is sprawling: numerous vertebrates—horses and hyenas, bats and crows, dolphins and dogs, all kinds of cats and rodents, and of course, our closest cousins, the primates—and the most globally dominant invertebrate genera: ants and termites, bees and wasps, and even some spiders. But this also reflects shifting sensibilities among researchers, that what we observe other species doing is not a matter of anthropocentric projection but rather a fairly accurate perception of homologous activities.

Thinking this way requires a simple, mobile analytic that applies widely across species and foundationally to humans, as well. Gabriel de Tarde’s work, which has seen a recent surge of new interest, is useful because he equates the social with two basic capacities: innovationand imitation. These are also the two prominent units of analysis for considering nonhuman forms of culture today (Lehmann et al, 2010). Mimesis, that long running concern in cultural analysis, is directly applicable as a trans-species dynamic; the question is largely, what are the mediums through which imitation both operates and is socially transmitted? The answer is ready at hand: researchers working with nonhumans tend to focus on vocalizations (as communicative systems) and foraging (behavioral interactions with a larger environment). (gehiago…)

The Malinowski Monographs

Malinowski Monographs Logo


Coming in 2016, The Malinowski Monographs will showcase groundbreaking monographs that contribute to the emergence of new ethnographically-inspired theories. In tribute to the foundational, yet productively contentious, nature of the ethnographic imagination in anthropology, this series honors Bronislaw Malinowski, the coiner of the term “ethnographic theory.” The series publishes short monographs that develop and critique key concepts in ethnographic theory (e.g., money, magic, belief, imagination, world, humor, love, etc.), and standard anthropological monograph—based on original research—that emphasize the analytical move from ethnography to theory.

2014 Call for Proposals (Expired)

Ethnography as theory

Nader Laura, University of California, Berkeley

Ethnography is never mere description, rather it is a theory of describing that has always been controversial as to the what and how thus inspiring a dynamic intellectual process. The process has been methodologically eclectic and innovative, governed by both consensual and outdated rules. Throughout more than hundred years of Anglo-American ethnography, observation has been combined with a wide variety of theoretical outlooks from structured-functionalist to critical writings.

Keywords: theory, ethnography, description, paradigms

Ethnography has commonly been summarized as description, albeit description in context, but not exactly theory. Yet, theory is defined as the analysis of a set of facts in their relation to one another, or the general or abstract principles of any body of facts, which to my mind makes ethnography most definitely a theoretical endeavor, one that has had and still has worldly significance, as description and explanation. Thus, the ethnography itself as well as its explanatory use is a theoretical endeavor.

Historically, doing ethnography involved living and talking with people, “being there” and “participant observing,” an attempt to understand how the people studied see and account for their world, which includes the anthropologist. Ethnography has also been commonly connected to the idea of holism; cultures are interconnected, not fragmented; they are whole systems, and therefore any description of them, to be complete, must tackle the whole. The reality of doing and writing ethnography has always been more complicated than simply assuming and even arguing the interrelatedness of cultural elements. Are we recording what people say they do, how we see them living, or how they want the anthropologist observer to know them? Ethnography, whatever it is, has never been meredescription. It is also theoretical in its mode of description. Indeed, ethnography is a theory of description. The whole of a culture cannot be assumed, and there has never been a total consensus on how whole is whole enough, especially when dealing with questions of boundaries. Nor has there been agreement on what makes ethnographic reporting “factual,” a problem in mainstream scientific work as well. The absence of agreement or total consensus has been the strength of anthropology’s ethnography, inspiring a dynamic process of “doing ethnography” that resonates with changing worlds in and out of academia.

Thus, from the beginnings of anthropology there was controversy, a simultaneous romanticizing of “being there” among isolated, exotic people, and doubts concerning limitations of a methodology that at times has sought to answer all the essential questions regarding the human condition. At the same time discussions of the many possibilities of ethnography have been cause for discomfort, or at least uneasiness about the stability of our field endeavors and the continuous need for revitalization. With James Mooney (1896), we had the nineteenth-century beginnings of a critically engaged ethnography and ethnography as critique of Western thought. With W. H. R. Rivers (1906) and to a lesser extent Bronislaw Malinowski ([1922] 1984), the ethnographer proceeded as if conducting a laboratory-bounded natural-science experiment. With Gregory Bateson ([1936] 1958), and to some extent Sir Edmund Leach ([1954] 1965), the ethnographer proceeded much more like an ecologist. The ecological model of ethnography, whatever that is, is not the laboratory model, nor a linear-cause-to-effect-hypothesis-proving model sometimes associated with the theoretical work of A. R. Radcliffe-Brown.

These forerunners were not governed by any one doctrine and did not adhere to a single model, yet they were all doing ethnography by most people’s standards: they went, they observed, they stayed, they returned home and wrote ethnography. They were methodologically eclectic and included quantitative techniques. They were not afraid to innovate on and create techniques that they found to be necessary for pushing forward their work—which was often described as urgent anthropology, salvaging the cultures of non-Western peoples before they were erased by the Euro-American colonizing adventures.


OACNUDH abre convocatoria para contratar profesional en derecho o ciencias sociales

OACNUDH abre convocatoria para contratar profesional en derecho o ciencias sociales.  

Compartimos la convocatoria para Aseror/a Senior del equipo de análisis e incidencia – grupo: violencia sexual

El título requerido para esta vacantes es profesional en Derecho o Ciencias Sociales, en lo posible con énfasis en investigación o ciencias penales. Debe tener 5 años de experiencias en Derechos Humanos a nivel nacional e internacional. De manejar muy bien el español hablado y escrito. Se valorará el manejo del inglés.

La Oficina en Colombia del Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos comunica la apertura de la convocatoria para la Consultoría – Aseror/a Senior del Equipo de Análisis e Incidencia – Grupo: Violencia Sexual, Contrato SC – Nivel SB-4, en la ciudad de Bogotá.

La recepción de aplicaciones se hará hasta el lunes 20 de abril de 2015, las aplicaciones recibidas después de esta fecha no serán tenidas en cuenta. Solo se contactaran las personas seleccionadas para entrevista.

Las hojas de vida se deben diligenciar en el Formato P11 y enviar a

Descargar formato P11 para diligenciar   –   Descargue los Términos de referencia

“Naciones Unidas está comprometida en lograr la diversidad laboral al interior de su oficina en términos de género, nacionalidad y cultura. Individuos de grupos sociales minoritarios, grupos indígenas y personas con discapacidad están por igual alentados a aplicar. Todas las aplicaciones laborales serán tratadas con la más estricta confidencialidad”.

Donostiako XIII. Giza Eskubideen Zinemaldia

Apirilaren 17tik 24ra izango da. 26 film luze, 16 film luze, antzezlan bat, lau erakusketak eta hainbat jarduera paralelok osatzen dute aurtengo programazioa


Sample Size and Saturation in PhD Studies Using Qualitative Interviews

Mark Mason

Abstract: A number of issues can affect sample size in qualitative research; however, the guiding principle should be the concept of saturation. This has been explored in detail by a number of authors but is still hotly debated, and some say little understood. A sample of PhD studies using qualitative approaches, and qualitative interviews as the method of data collection was taken from and contents analysed for their sample sizes. Five hundred and sixty studies were identified that fitted the inclusion criteria. Results showed that the mean sample size was 31; however, the distribution was non-random, with a statistically significant proportion of studies, presenting sample sizes that were multiples of ten. These results are discussed in relation to saturation. They suggest a pre-meditated approach that is not wholly congruent with the principles of qualitative research.

Key words: saturation; sample size; interviews

Table of Contents

1. Introduction

1.1 Factors determining saturation

1.2 Guidelines for sample sizes in qualitative research

1.3 Operationalising the concept of saturation

1.4 The issue of saturation in PhDs

2. Method

3. Results

4. Discussion

5. Conclusion





1. Introduction

Samples for qualitative studies are generally much smaller than those used in quantitative studies. RITCHIE, LEWIS and ELAM (2003) provide reasons for this. There is a point of diminishing return to a qualitative sample—as the study goes on more data does not necessarily lead to more information. This is because one occurrence of a piece of data, or a code, is all that is necessary to ensure that it becomes part of the analysis framework. Frequencies are rarely important in qualitative research, as one occurrence of the data is potentially as useful as many in understanding the process behind a topic. This is because qualitative research is concerned with meaning and not making generalised hypothesis statements (see also CROUCH & McKENZIE, 2006). Finally, because qualitative research is very labour intensive, analysing a large sample can be time consuming and often simply impractical. [1]

Within any research area, different participants can have diverse opinions. Qualitative samples must be large enough to assure that most or all of the perceptions that might be important are uncovered, but at the same time if the sample is too large data becomes repetitive and, eventually, superfluous. If a researcher remains faithful to the principles of qualitative research, sample size in the majority of qualitative studies should generally follow the concept of saturation (e.g. GLASER & STRAUSS, 1967)—when the collection of new data does not shed any further light on the issue under investigation. [2]

While there are other factors that affect sample size in qualitative studies, researchers generally use saturation as a guiding principle during their data collection. This paper examines the size of the samples from PhD studies that have used interviews as their source of data collection. It does not look at the data found in those studies, just the numbers of the respondents in each case. [3] (gehiago…)

Social disgrace a weapon in controlling problem drinking
A FASCINATING anthropological study into the consumption of alcohol and how it affects people has asked some interesting questions about the way we handle the problem behaviour associated with heavy drinking.

British-based anthropologist Dr Anne Fox, who wrote the study into behaviour in Australia’s night life, argues Australians have automatically accepted alcohol releases inhibitions and this becomes an excuse for the carnage.

Much of our Anglo-Celtic approach to controlling alcohol as such is about prohibition; creating new laws for limiting sales, use or age.

The historical framework that built so much of this enforced control was based on the idea that alcohol itself was the evil; the behaviour the consequence.

Dr Fox certainly doesn’t condone excessive drinking, but she notes that in multiple cultures she studied, heavy drinking was not accompanied with violence, aggression or other antisocial behaviour. Instead, she argues it is the wider culture that determines behaviour while drinking, not the drinking per se. She argues the inhibition factor is more of an excuse for antisocial behaviour inherent in individuals before the alcohol unleashes their worst. (gehiago…)

Anthropological reasoning: Some threads of thought

Marilyn Strathern



The interventionist properties of description are considered in relation to two strands of thinking, each as evidently “outside” anthropology as “inside.” In terms of concept formation, the nature–culture dyad seems forever to be subject to critique, reformulation, and re-critique; examples from current debate over clinical practices in South America make the point. In terms of engagement with “human subjects,” anthropology has been as much heir to regimes of audit and self-scrutiny as it has shown their limits; the reflexivity now routine in ethnographic inquiry is shown up in approaches to present-day health policies for Aboriginal people in Australia. Both arenas (nature–culture/self-scrutiny) have contributed at once to anthropology’s self-formation and to the kind of knowledge it makes more widely visible. Both were also topics of huge interest to the European Enlightenment. A suggestion is proffered about the outlines of a newly apparent object of knowledge then, which could have been something of a driver, and seems to have been a driver of anthropological reasoning ever since.

Full Text: